Tag: Alexandria

  • Plan to restructure Alexandria Port to be delivered in Q1 2016: Minister of Transport

    Plan to restructure Alexandria Port to be delivered in Q1 2016: Minister of Transport

    AlexandriaThe Port of Singapore is expected to complete its plan to restructure the Alexandria Port’s administration during the first quarter (Q1) of 2016, according to the Minister of Transportation Saad Al-Geioushy.

    The Port of Singapore is developing a comprehensive plan to reform Egypt’s ports. Alexandria Port is the first port to be addressed in this more over-arching framework, Al-Geioushy said Monday during the International Maritime Transport and Logistics Conference.

    Cooperation between Egypt and Singapore aims to reduce port operations expenditures. There are currently more than 4,000 workers employed at Alexandria Port. Al-Geioushy contended that the number of employees can be reduced to 500 workers.

    Al-Geioushy carried out several other reforms to the maritime transport sector. He appointed Admiral Khaled Said Zahran, an advisor of the Port and Lighthouse Affairs at the Maritime, to the position of chairman of the board of directors of the Egyptian Authority for Maritime Safety. Zahran will hold the position for one year.

    Additionally, Al-Geioushy appointed Admiral Medhat Mustafa Attia, the chairman of the Port Said Port Authority, to serve as chairman of the Alexandria Port Authority. Admiral Fathy Taha Attia will be appointed chairman of Port Said Port Authority in his stead.

    (www.dailynewsegypt.com)

  • Alexandrian Cosmopolitanism: An Archive

    Alexandrian Cosmopolitanism: An Archive

    ΒιβλιοπαρουσίασηHala Halim, Alexandrian Cosmopolitanism: An Archive. New York: Fordham University Press, 2013.

    [This review was originally published in the most recent issue of Arab Studies Journal.]

    Hala Halim’s book is a provocative and erudite study of the modern European literary discourses that have constructed Alexandria as the exemplary site of what we might call cosmopolitan desire. Following Edward Said’s critique of orientalism’s endless discursive recycling of itself, Halim reads these Alexandria representations as an archive of a specialized Eurocentric discourse based in canonical texts characterized by “citation” and “self-referentiality.” The book marshals a rich range of conceptual and historical discussions, and an array of critical and archival resources, to make a broad and illuminating argument about place and the politics of representation.

    Halim discusses the core of this canon—what she calls “the literary triumvirate” of Constantine Cavafy, E. M. Forster, and Lawrence Durrell—in three separate chapters. Through close readings she traces the pattern and substance of the archive of literary, historical, and critical texts that produced and sustained “Alexandrianism” over the course of the century that witnessed the end of high colonialism and the emergence of a liberationist postcolonial order in Egypt.

    Halim’s central contention is that Alexandrianism—as distinct from the literary texts it celebrates and canonizes—is a type of nostalgic neocolonial discourse that seeks to detach the city from its national and regional geography and histories and recuperate it. In one version, this revived narrative helps uphold the fantasy of a lost “golden age” of European hegemony, and in another version, it serves to valorize a properly postcolonial aesthetic of transnationalism and hybridity. Her claim is that both versions of this discourse are invested in a politics of representation built on a series of textual, historical, and geographical erasures. The book is in part an attempt to map the ghosts of these erasures in the work of, and in the critical scholarship on, the “triumvirate” and to trace the outlines of what a fully territorialized Alexandria might look like in the contemporary Egyptian imagination.

    The introduction lays out this claim by tracing the genealogy of the concept of cosmopolitanism, with its “imperial pedigree of universalism,” and exploring the tension between postcolonial celebrations of cosmopolitanism’s globalized, transnational subject (exile, refugee, and migrant) and its unspoken other. Taking her cue from a special issue of the journal Public Culture in which this other is named as nationalism—“an increasingly ‘retrograde ideology’ producing ‘horrendous conflicts in recent history’”—Halim suggests that “not all lives are transnational.” Lived post/colonial subject positions occupy a much broader and more nuanced range of relationships to territory (the traveler, the sojourner, the habitant, the indigene), she says. The possibility of radical agency is thus at least partly rooted in national and international (as opposed to “cosmopolitan” or “transnational”) spaces, as witnessed in 2011 by the people in Tahrir Square in Cairo, which became a space of inter/national imaginations and solidarities. Here lies one of the most important and productive threads in the book’s deconstruction of the archive of Alexandrianism: the implicit insistence on the importance of habitation (and the attendant notion of lived place) as the taking-off point for non-Eurocentric and egalitarian forms of conviviality, creativity, and action.

    Halim’s nuanced readings of the Cavafy/Forster/Durrell triumvirate is intended as a critique of the role of specialist literary criticism, which “reiterates and orchestrates, with additional contributions of its own, the quasi-colonial historiographical narrative of Alexandria’s cosmopolitanism.” She convincingly argues that this metacritical narrative is built on a kind of willful misreading of the canonical texts, a misreading that functions by “overlooking certain texts, occluding resistances in others, and disregarding genre expectations in given instances.” She then supports this claim by picking apart the critical-discursive apparatus that binds the triumvirate into a harmonious canon, and by foregrounding the erasures and dissonances—what I would call the poetics of ambivalence—that haunt the work of the three writers.

    Exploring the “Greek” versus “barbarian” trope in C. P. Cavafy’s noncanonical poems, Halim identifies this binary as a scholarly-critical construction that misses the ways in which Cavafy’s neo-Hellenic positions and poetic personas are permeable, fluctuating, and rooted in a transculturated writing practice. This practice, she argues, recognizes “emphatically hyphenated” identities and textualities as well as “the cultural vicissitudes that history and religious difference have effected in the space of Alexandria.” Despite the traces of orientalism, the othering of Islam, and the westward gaze of much of Cavafy’s work, Halim makes visible the horizontal poetics of habitation that shape his connection to the city in which he spent most of his life. Unlike Forster, a colonial administrator and a liberal supporter of the British Empire, or Durrell, who traveled as a press attaché for the British Foreign Office, Cavafy occupied a position that allowed him to recognize and absorb the city’s multiple histories and geographic orientations in unexpected and changing ways.

    This reconstituted Cavafy is then always present at the margins of the next two chapters, “Of Hellenized Cosmopolitanism and Colonial Subalterity” and “Uncanny Hybridity into Neocolonialism,” which take up the task of deconstructing Forster and Durrell’s place in the canon. Halim shows how Forster’s Alexandrianism was constituted by nineteenth-century imperial historiography: the narrative of decline and fall epitomized in the work of Edward Gibbon, for example, whom Forster much admired. But the narratives sustaining this historical paradigm are built on the erasure of material histories, geographies, and lives. By framing her fascinating discussion of Alexandria: A History and Guide around narratological questions of genre and emplotment, Halim shows how the tension between colonial ambivalence and Alexandrianism in Forster’s writing produced a haunted textual and material landscape that Forster himself was never quite able to exorcise. In the Guide, vanished archeological sites become embodied markers on the map of the real city, which in turn recedes into a spectral invisibility (Forster was completely uninterested in “the native quarters”). But the ghost of the indigene (the subaltern in Halim’s naming) forcefully emerges through the cracks in the author’s discursive mappings of the city. Halim carefully follows the traces of Forster’s Egyptian lover and protégée—a tram conductor named Muhammad al-‘Adl who died at an early age of tuberculosis—in his recently published memoir and letters. The story Halim tells of Forster’s class- and race-inflected ambivalence toward the young man, of his destruction of over a hundred letters of their correspondence, and his composition, over seven years, of a posthumous letter to him in a gesture of “impossible empathy” is deeply moving. The ghost of al-‘Adl in Forster’s writing on Alexandria simultaneously points to the tragic limits of the imperial subject and powerfully asserts the presence of the indigene as a persistent challenge to the colonial imagination.

    Turning to Lawrence Durrell’s Alexandria Quartet, Halim discusses what she characterizes as a neocolonial moment in the discourse of Alexandrianism. Reading against “critical studies that astonishingly reclaim [it] as a post-colonial text, or one that instantiates the beginning of such a turn,” Halim argues that Durrell “can be interpreted as scripting, in a valorizing vein, the role that a local cosmopolitan elite can play in neocolonial interventions.” Linking Freud’s concept of the uncanny to the aesthetics of primitivism and orientalism in European modernism, Halim reads the Quartet as “an ‘uncanny’ space of ‘colonial hybridity.’” Neither Europe nor Africa but something utterly lost in between, Alexandria, in Durrell’s words, is “the city of despair, and incest.” Halim argues that the construction of “Levantinism” in the Quartet stands in for the Alexandrian “mimic man,” here represented by Mountolive’s Nessim, who is not quite European and whose figuration masks “a fear of the return to a repressed Africa.” This racist paranoia is then mirrored by social and imperial panics, where the “Egyptianization” of the economy under Nasser and the post-Suez order mark a return of the barbarian other.

    Nessim, a wealthy Alexandrian Copt, and his Jewish wife Justine conspire against their British colonial friends to arm the Zionists in Palestine. Driven by rage at “fanaticism” in Egypt, Nessim hopes for a future Coptic-Jewish alliance against “the rising tide of Arab nationalism.” Halim notes the historically farfetched quality of this plot and its normalization of Israel, and further unpacks the way the narrative creates ideologically driven maps of identity and filiation. Upon discovery of the plot, Nessim flies off to Switzerland with Justine to execute “something much bigger this time, international.” Into the menace of this ending, Halim reads the figure of the cosmopolitan, transnational subject as a formidable producer of neocolonial futures, “of distant interventions enabled by free-floating subjects…insulated from the responsibility of their actions.”

    If modernism is complicit in the reconstruction of the imperial imagination of Alexandrianism, so is the postmodern aesthetic, which recycles the same archive in an ironic and parodic mode. Examining the mostly unpublished libretti (1940s–1990s) of the self-identifying “Levantine” Alexandrian Bernard de Zogheb in the fourth chapter, Halim concludes that although de Zogheb’s project of “queering Levantinism” in the name of a postmodern anti-essentialism certainly mounts a challenge to the forms of the Alexandrian canon, it leaves the ideological apparatus that underpins it largely intact and “prevents them [the libretti] from fully coming to terms with the survival of colonial tropes of Levantinism in a Mediterranean reinscribed in terms of the North and the South.”

    Halim shows what this “full coming to terms” might look like in the “Epilogue/Prologue.” As opposed to the derivative “postcolonial melancholia” of the contemporary “out of Egypt” Alexandrian emigrée memoir, she surveys a selection of vibrant “territorialized” instantiations of cosmopolitanism. These include Egyptian and Arab authors “writing back” to the canon (Salma Khadra al-Jayussi and Naguib Mahfouz on Durrell and Idwar al-Kharrat reading Cavafy, as well as her own readings of a 2012 novel by Tariq Imam (The Second Life of Constantine Cavafy) and two films based on Cavafy poems (Yusri Nasrallah, The City [1999] and Ibrahim El-Batout, Ithaki [2005]). Through these readings she points to the ways in which the crushed, wandering self and the voyage it must undertake—as well as the closed, imprisoning archive itself—can be rewritten to accommodate other kinds of love, attachments, and resistances that bring the ghosts of Alexandrian cosmopolitanism into the center of history.

    (www.jadaliyya.com)

  • New Provincial Governor in Alexandria

    New Provincial Governor in Alexandria

    ΣΙΣΙEgypt’s President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi appointed on Saturday 11 new provincial governors. The governors were appointed to the governorates of Alexandria, Suez, Gharbiya, Kafr El-Sheikh, Aswan, Port Said, Sharqiya, Minya, Giza, Qalyoubiya and Beni Suef. Below are brief descriptions of the appointees, five of whom are from police ranks, four from the Armed Forces and two are civil engineers:

    1. Mohamed Ahmed Abdel-Zaher– Alexandria Governor:A civil engineer who served as the secretary-general for the governorates of Cairo and Alexandria.
    2. Ahmed Helmi Fathi – Suez Governor:A former military general who served as governor of Marsa Matrouh in 2012 under former president Mohamed Morsi.
    3. Al-Sayed Ibrahim – Kafr El-Sheikh Governor:A former police officer who held several posts within the Ministry of Interior.
    4. Magdy Fouad Hegazy – Aswan Governor:A former military general who served as deputy defense minister and held different positions in civil state bodies.
    5. Adel Mohamed Ibrahim – Port Said Governor:A former military officer who served as a security consultant for the Suez Canal Authority.
    6. Khaled Mohamed Saied – Sharqiya Governor:A former military general who held different field posts in the Egyptian army.
    7. Mohamed Kamal Saied Al-Dali – Giza Governor:A former police general who served as the head of the Giza Security Directorate.
    8. Tarek Hassan Nasr – Minya Governor:A former police officer and former head of Upper Egypt’s Assiut Security Directorate.
    9. Reda Farahat – Qalyoubiya Governor:A former police general.
    10. Ahmed Deif Sakr – Gharbiya Governor: A former police general who served as the head of the security directorates of Upper Egypt’s Aswan and Luxor.
    11. Sherif Mohamed Abdel-Aziz – Beni Suef Governor: A civil engineer who used to be the deputy head of the state-owned Arab Contractors Company.

     

    (english.ahram.org.eg)

  • Egypt holds its breath for development of underwater museum

    Egypt holds its breath for development of underwater museum

    ΑλεξάνδρειαEgyptian Minister of Antiquities Mamdouh al-Damaty announced Sept. 9 that his ministry is planning to develop an underwater antiquities museum — the first of its kind in the world. The museum would be located in Alexandria governorate and would showcase the ancient Egyptian civilization. The project is estimated to cost $150 million.

    “The museum will reshape the Arab region, as it will be the first of its kind in the world. Undoubtedly it will revive tourism and boost the Egyptian economy after a long recession,” Youssef Khalifa, the chairman of the Central Administration of Lower Egypt Antiquities, told Al-Monitor.

    “The museum will consist of two parts: One part above the water surface for the relics that have been recovered and another part underwater, stretching over a distance of 7 meters [23 feet] to display the antiquities that are still in the water. Visitors will be able to see the relics either by diving or walking inside underwater tunnels. There will also be glass submarinestaking tourists on a tour inside the museum,” Khalifa said.

    He added, “The museum will include four tall underwater buildings in the form of Nile boats connected to one another over an area of 22,000 square meters [5.4 acres]. They will be lined up in a circle with a radius of 40 meters [131 feet]. The museum will accommodate 3 million visitors a year.”

    This idea, however, is not the first of its kind. The Ministry of Antiquities had already announced on Oct. 1, 2008, through the Secretary-General of the Supreme Council of Antiquities Zahi Hawass, the completion of a feasibility study by the European Institute for Underwater Archaeology, under the auspices of UNESCO, to start developing the museum.

    In a supportive step, on May 27, 2010, UNESCO sent to Egypt an international scientific advisory committee that included a number of prominent international experts to keep pace with the feasibility study in order to immediately start the project. However, with the eruption of the January 25 Revolution, the project came to a halt, as chaos swept the country, the economy suffered a setback and a volatile security situation emerged.

    On Sept. 2, 2013, two years following the Egyptian revolution, UNESCO expressed interest again in establishing the museum. It had sent a group of international archaeologists to study the location of the project in the eastern port area in central Alexandria, and to discuss its economic and cultural impact.

    The choice fell on Alexandria governorate given its submerged archaeological treasures and relics. The sunken Royal Court or Cleopatra’s Palace lies at a depth of 6-8 meters. There is also the Pharos (lighthouse) of Alexandria, which is one of the Seven Wonders of the World, at a depth of 5-10 meters. Alexandria is also home to the Citadel of Qaitbay, which dates back to the ancient Greek and Roman civilizations.

    Despite the archaeological treasures that have been submerged for thousands of years, the Ministry of Antiquities has failed to recuperate, use or safeguard them. On Oct. 1, 2013, during a symposium held at the Egyptian Journalist Syndicate offices, Egyptian archaeologists discussed ways to protect the underwater relics, following the theft and smuggling abroad of many antiquities.

    “We admit that many submerged relics were stolen but the situation is not as bad as some claim. Stealing archaeological pieces from underwater requires major preparations, boats and scuba divers, which makes them less prone to theft, unlike other relics [on land] that are easier to steal,” said Mohammed Mustafa, head of the Ministry of Antiquities’ General Directorate of Sunken Antiquities.

    He told Al-Monitor, “Underwater excavations and extraction of relics is not as easy as it might look to some. The journey begins with the detection of archaeological sites with water level sensors, metal detectors and site detectors connected to satellite dishes. Divers are equipped with strong lighting and pumps, and then relics are pulled to the boat deck by pumps, wires or air balloons. This is why stealing relics from underwater is a lot trickier than those on land.”

    Mustafa added, “This process is applied to relics that are not submerged more than 200 meters. For archaeological pieces located below this level we will keep them until we establish the museum, where they will be displayed.”

    He considered that the “crux of the problem is Alexandria’s polluted water. It is difficult to spot archaeological sites in muddy waters, especially those that have been submerged for decades.”

    Egypt signed the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in 2001, which provides for the protection of underwater cultural heritage against theft and any infringements.

    About the real reasons behind the delay in the completion of the museum all these years, Mustafa said, “The state has to have a real will to take necessary measures. All concerned parties ought to cooperate to complete the required studies, at the economic and social level, taking into account the effect of the wind and waves, among other considerations. This work is not limited to the Ministry of Antiquities alone. Despite the huge cost of the project estimated at more than $150 million, this will not be an obstacle for the completion of the project with the cooperation of UNESCO and other foreign funding countries as the museum will be open to visitors from around the world and not only to Egyptians.”

    http://www.al-monitor.com