Category: HISTORY

Historical documentaries

  • The Greek refugees who fled to the Middle East in WW2

    The Greek refugees who fled to the Middle East in WW2

    The influx of more than a million refugees and migrants to the Greek islands in the past year has stirred up difficult memories for a dwindling group who followed the same route during World War Two, but in reverse.

    As German and Italian troops occupied Greece, tens of thousands of people fled by sea to refugee camps in the Middle East.

    At the end of the war, they began heading home. Most made it back safely, but for some the journey ended in tragedy.

    “An event like this is hard to forget,” says Eleni Karavelatzi. “It leaves you seared with scars and makes you bitter forever.”

    Eleni Karavelatzi was 12 months old when in 1942 her family fled the Nazi occupation of Kastelorizo, a Greek island 2km (1.5 miles) from the Turkish coast.

    They sailed first to Cyprus and then to a refugee camp in Gaza known as El Nuseirat. They stayed there until the end of the war.

    In September 1945, a British vessel, the SS Empire Patrol, left the Egyptian city of Port Said carrying Eleni’s family and 500 other Greek refugees.

    Within hours, fire broke out onboard. Thirty-three passengers died, including 14 children.

    From her garden on Kastelorizo, Eleni can now see the EU border agency ship searching for new migrants and reminisces about what happened in 1945.

    “My parents told me that I was tied with a rope and lowered on to a raft. But as they were letting me down, my father saw that it was full and ordered me back. As soon as I was brought up, a woman jumped on the dinghy. It capsized and all the children drowned.”

    Among the victims were Eleni’s three cousins, whose names are carved on a monument a short distance from where she lives.

    To the east of the monument lives Kastelorizo’s only other survivor, Maria Chroni, who lives with her granddaughter.

    Maria Chroni, who was born in 1937, clung for life on a piece of wreckage.

    “I found myself at sea holding on to a wooden plank.”

    “How it happened, I can’t remember. I only know I that I stayed in this position for 10 hours. Then my father rescued me and lifted me into the charred boat.”

    From Aleppo to Egypt and beyond

    Other Greek refugees had fled the Nazi occupation to Syria. They were mainly from the island of Chios, a few kilometres off the Turkey coast.

    “The Germans were here and we were hungry. I was three back then,” remembers Marianthi Andreadi. “So we left for Turkey illegally and from there we took the train to Al Nayrab camp in Aleppo (Syria).”

    Marianthi remembers some of the faces that stood out on her journey. “I was surrounded by older women. And there was this moment that stays with me when we were on the Turkish border and the guard yells ‘Gel Burda! Gel Burda!’ (come here).”

    “We ran away quickly. I fell down. And eventually he let us go. But I never forgot this.”

    Greek archives reveal Al Nayrab camp was less a permanent settlement than a meeting point, says Iakovos Michailidis, professor of history at Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. “People were brought here for short periods of time before being sent to various parts of the Middle East, or even Africa.”

    Ioannis Stekas travelled first to the Middle East and then into Africa.

    He explains how his father sold their properties to send him and his brother abroad with their mother, Chrisanthi.

    “He was planning to follow us with my 10-year-old sister. But shortly afterwards the Germans banned migration towards Turkey.”

    In her diary, written down by Ioannis, his mother writes: “We went to Cesme (in Turkey) and stayed there for a month, then headed to Izmir, before travelling for three days by train to Aleppo.” Ioannis’s older brother Kostas was at that point drafted into the army by the Allies.

    Ioannis, aged six, carried on with his mother on their long journey via Egypt to Dar es Salaam on the coast of Tanzania before continuing across land to Elisabethville, now Lubumbashi in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

    “After 40 days we left Aleppo by train and in two days we arrived in Egypt, at the Suez Canal,” Ioannis’s diary says. “We stayed there for a while in tents.”

    “After Egypt we took a cargo ship and crossed the Red Sea to Aden, a British colony. We stayed two days inside the ship as they were bringing food supplies for the rest of the journey.

    “When we left Aden, there were hot air balloons to prevent enemies from bombing civilians. No-one knew where they were taking us. After a 10-day journey we arrived in Dar Es Salaam.”

    Stamatis’s story

    Stamatis Michaliades, was just six when he fled famine during the German occupation of Chios in 1942.

    He left with his father and brother while others in the family stayed on the island. The boys and their father crossed to Turkey and from there to the Moses Wells refugee camp in the Egyptian desert, where they waited for the war to end.

    Past and present

    While Greece’s returned refugees feel a bond with the new wave of displaced people, age makes it difficult for them to meet.

    But they hear new stories from Greek TV and Marianthi Andreadi believes that despite her country’s financial problems “we’re doing what we can”.

    From their balconies, the former evacuees watched Syrian refugees coming off packed fishing boats. “It’s like a mirror to the past,” says Maria Chroni. “The hardest thing is having to witness the arrival of children.”

    Eleni points out that the Greek evacuees made it back home and life returned to normal. She is not sure if the same will happen to the Greece’s new refugees any time soon.

    (www.bbc.com)

  • Seafaring & Shipbuilding | Athens | To May 28

    Seafaring & Shipbuilding | Athens | To May 28

    ΠολιτισμόςThe Herakleidon Museum in Athens presents “Voyage: Seafaring and Shipbuilding in Greece from Antiquity to Modern Times.” The show explores the history of maritime voyages and naval architecture through about 40 handmade wooden models of Greek ships which plied the seas from prehistoric times to the middle of the 20th century. The ship models were created by Dimitris Maras, MSc in mechanical engineering and model shipbuilder. Opening hours are Thursdays from 10 a.m. to 8 p.m. and Fridays to Wednesdays from 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. The show runs to May 28.

    Herakleidon Museum, 16 Irakleidon, Thiseio, tel 210.346.1981,

    www.herakleidon-art.gr

  • Distillerie ZOTTOS: A Greek Family Affair

    Distillerie ZOTTOS: A Greek Family Affair

    ΙστορίαIn 1984 I rented an apartment in the Cairo district of Mounira, just off Kasr el Aini Street in the center of the city. There was a small grocery store near my flat called Blue Nile. Today a Coptic family owns the store, but back then I believe it was still owned by its original Greek proprietors. I used to go there often because the store reminded me of my time in Greece. Blue Nile sold Greek Feta cheese, yoghurt, dolmades, pita bread and other Greek specialties. Beside food they sold beer, wine and spirits, some which still had the original Greek labels. Gianaclis, Bolanachi and Zottos were just a few brand names that were reminiscent of a once thriving beverage industry dominated by Egypt’s Greek community.

    The Greeks have had a long and vibrant history in Egypt. The first wave came during antiquity and, since then, the community has maintained a presence, though not always a great one. The largest influx in modern times came at the beginning of the nineteenth century, during the rise of the Mohammed Ali dynasty. Mohammed Ali Pasha’s obsession with turning Egypt into a modern country in European standards opened the doors to Greeks and other foreigners. Since the Egyptian proletariat was largely made up of farmers, it was unable to meet the sudden need for skilled labor, managers, entrepreneurs and merchants. A large number of people from across the Ottoman Empire and Europe flocked to Egypt seeking to fill these new work opportunities. It was only natural for the Greeks to settle in Alexandria, the port city named after their most famous compatriot.

    The following exhibition is taken from a photo album created to showcase the Zottos distillery in the 1930s. Studio Ververis in Alexandria, Egypt, photographed the album.

    The exhibition: www.photorientalist.org/exhibitions/distillerie-zottos-a-greek-family-affair/photographs

    (www.photorientalist.org)

  • German Parliament Recognizes Armenian Genocide

    German Parliament Recognizes Armenian Genocide

    Γενικά νέαBERLIN — The German Parliament overwhelmingly adopted a symbolic but fraught resolution on Thursday declaring the killings of Armenians by Ottoman Turks in 1915 a genocide, escalating tensions with Turkey at a diplomatically delicate juncture.

    The Turkish government angrily denounced the vote as “null and void,” and President Recep Tayyip Erdogan called his ambassador in Germany back to Ankara for consultations.

    “The way to close the dark pages of your own history is not by defaming the histories of other countries with irresponsible and baseless decisions,” Turkey’s foreign minister, Mevlut Cavusoglu, wrote on Twitter. In Ankara, Prime Minister Binali Yildirim said, “There is no shameful incident in our past that would make us bow our heads.”

    Germany needs Turkey’s help in following through on a deal with the European Union to manage the refugee crisis attributed in large part to the Syrian civil war. At the same time, the German chancellor, Angela Merkel, has been under pressure not to be seen as caving to pressure from Ankara to compromise on Western values, particularly after a recent dust-up over freedom of speech set off by a German comedian’s satire that outraged Mr. Erdogan.

    For Turkey, there is scarcely a more delicate topic than what historians say was the murder of more than a million Armenians and other Christian minorities in 1915-16. In April, Mr. Erdogan visited the Armenian Patriarchate of Turkey and, in a carefully worded statement, extended condolences to the families of those who had died, but the Turkish government has long rejected the term genocide.

    Ankara has noted that thousands of people, many of them Turks, died in the civil war that destroyed the Ottoman Empire, and argued that the estimates of the number of Armenian deaths have been exaggerated.

    The issue is also fraught for Germany. At the time of the killings, Germany, led by Kaiser Wilhelm II, was allied with the Ottomans, fighting alongside the Austro-Hungarian Empire against Britain, France and Russia in World War I. Acceptance of German responsibility for the atrocities of World War II has become an established part of the nation’s culture, and historians and activists have said that the Armenian resolution was an important step in acknowledging Germany’s indirect involvement in the 1915 killings.

    Pope Francis called the killings a genocide last year, but the United States has long skirted the issue. President Obama stopped short of using the word — most recently in a statement marking Armenian Remembrance Day on April 24 — though he used the term before becoming president.

    Ms. Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union and its coalition partners supported the resolution, which was originally proposed for last year, to mark the centennial of the start of the killings. But it was repeatedly delayed, most recently in February, over concerns about angering Ankara.

    As the vote approached, debate intensified in Germany, which is home to an estimated three million people of Turkish descent, many of whom have dual citizenship. About 2,000 Turks demonstrated last weekend in Berlin, rallying to say that Parliament is not a court and therefore should not pass judgment.

    Ms. Merkel was in a tough spot. When she visited Istanbul last week, she spent time with Turkish intellectuals and lawyers critical of Mr. Erdogan before meeting the president, who warned her not to move forward with the resolution.

    Her decision to do so, despite those objections, may have been influenced by an episode in March, when a German comic, Jan Böhmermann, lampooned Mr. Erdogan with a crude poem. Ms. Merkel initially criticized the verses, giving the impression — which she later said was a mistake — that she advocated restrictions on freedom of expression in Germany. Critics portrayed her as weak.

    Cem Ozdemir, the co-chairman of the opposition Greens and a driving force behind the resolution, accused Ms. Merkel of paying little heed to Turkey for most of her decade in power, until circumstances forced her to engage with Mr. Erdogan.

    On Thursday, Mr. Ozdemir said there was “never a favorable time to speak about something as dreadful as genocide.”

    Mr. Ozdemir read century-old statements by officials of the German Empire showing they knew that up to 90 percent of Armenians had been killed. “Working through the Shoah is the basis of democracy in Germany,” Mr. Ozdemir said, referring to the Holocaust. “This genocide is also waiting to be worked through.”

    He noted that there were Turks who had saved Armenians. “Before them, we bow down with highest respect,” he said.

    Mr. Ozdemir said he had received threats because of his support for the vote, but that it was even more dangerous for people in Turkey to acknowledge the genocide.

    The vote in the Bundestag, the lower house of Parliament, was nearly unanimous, with one lawmaker voting against and another abstaining. (Ms. Merkel and the two most senior Social Democrat ministers — Vice Chancellor Sigmar Gabriel and Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier — were not present.)

    Norbert Lammert, the president of the Bundestag, kicked off the debate with a clear message. “Parliament is not a historians’ commission, and certainly not a court,” he said. He added that the current Turkish government “is not responsible for what happened 100 years ago, but it does have responsibility for what becomes of this” in present times.

    Mr. Lammert, a Christian Democrat, labeled the Ottomans’ killing of Armenians as genocide last year. Particularly because of “our own chapters of dark history,” Germans know that only by working through past events can one achieve reconciliation and cooperation, Mr. Lammert said on Thursday.

    Including Germany, 12 of the European Union’s 28 members have recognized the Armenian killings as genocide. Despite initial protests, Turkey has maintained good relations with several of those countries.

    When France approved legislation in 2011 recognizing the genocide, Turkey temporarily recalled its ambassador and halted bilateral military cooperation. Such steps by Ankara would be more complicated today and potentially more damaging, as Germany and Turkey are engaged in a NATO operation to stop migrant boats crossing the Aegean Sea from Turkey to Greece.

    Aydan Ozoguz, the German commissioner for integration, who — like Mr. Ozdemir — is of Turkish descent, said before the vote that while she intended to vote for the resolution, “I still think it is the wrong path.” She added that she thought it would backfire.

    Mr. Erdogan and ultranationalist Turks “will get a huge boost,” Ms. Ozoguz said. “They will use the resolution as proof of a further attack by the West on Turkey. Reasonable, considered voices will be isolated and will have no chance to be heard for a long time.”

    (www.nytimes.com)