Greek Community of Alexandria

Category: CULTURE

News about culture and cultural heritage

  • Chios Mastic Museum Opened Its Doors on June 11th

    Chios Mastic Museum Opened Its Doors on June 11th

    ΓενικάLocated in Mastichochoria in Southern Chios, the Chios Mastic Museum sponsored by the Cultural Department of Piraeus Bank, opened its doors to the public on June 11th.

    The museum aims to educate the public on the production history, cultivation, and processing of mastic.

    The permanent exhibition of the museum talks about Chios’ mastic as a unique natural product. The exhibition is divided in several categories. At the entrance of the museum the audience will learn about pistacia and mastic and resin, which in 2015 was recognized as a natural medicine. In the first section, we can find out about the traditional know-how of mastic cultivation. In the second section, we will be able to observe how mastic throughout the years shaped the agricultural and inhabited scene of Southern Chios and Mastichochoria. In the third section, visitors are also informed about the cooperative management and processing of mastic in later years, which marks an important chapter of Chios’ production history. The museum experience is completed with an out-door exhibition, where the audience can see and touch the plant in its environment where it grows.

    The President, Prokopis Pavlopoulos, inaugurated the museum on Saturday June 11th, in the presence of the Archibishop Ieronymos. The president highlighted that “during these hard times, this land is in need of people with strength and ideas. These ideas are so much stronger in order to escape the crisis that plagues the country.”

    (greece.greekreporter.com)

  • The Greeks in Egypt: on Sunken Cities at the British Museum

    The Greeks in Egypt: on Sunken Cities at the British Museum

    ΓενικάTwo thousand years ago, Thonis-Heracleion and Canopus, two cities on Egypt’s Mediterranean coast, were thriving cultural melting pots. Traders from the Greek world and the Levant flowed into the cities’ ports with goods, ideas and religious beliefs. The Egyptian god Osiris, king of the blessed dead, was celebrated along with the wine-loving Greek god Dionysus, among many other deities. In both cities, as elsewhere in Egypt since the 650s BC, Egyptian and Greek cultures slowly fused, an evolution best represented by the flourishing cult of Serapis—a hodgepodge deity combining various Greek divinities and the Egyptian god Osiris-Apis.
    Nothing lasts forever. By the 8th century, Thonis-Heracleion and Canopus had sunk beneath the waves of the Mediterranean. Centuries passed and the locations of both cities were forgotten. It wasn’t until the mid-1990s that archaeologists rediscovered them and began to raise their monuments and artefacts—many extremely well preserved—from the seabed. Over successive years of exploration, remnants of daily life, objects of ritual significance and spectacular colossal statuary returned to the surface. 
    Sunken Cities: Egypt’s Lost Worlds, the British Museum’s latest Egypt-centric exhibition, presents the rediscovered treasures of Thonis-Heracleion and Canopus and uses them to tell the wider story of Egypt’s contact with the Greek world. To provide additional context, artefacts from the British Museum collection and loans from the Egyptian Museum in Cairo and the Graeco-Roman Museum in Alexandria supplement those recovered from the sea. Of the 300 artefacts on display, spread across five themed sections, 200 were raised from the seabed in the past 20 years.
    Upon entering the exhibition, visitors are immersed in a darkened space punctuated by blue light. The relaxing sounds of synth and gurgling seawater fill the air. It’s a bit like walking into a themed spa. Whatever your feelings on this, you are soon swept along in the current thanks to the show’s first showstopper: a colossal, five-and-a-half metre statue of Hapy, god of the Nile Flood, who greets visitors, just as he once met traders arriving at Thonis-Heracleion. 
    After Hapy, the exhibition turns to Egypt’s Late Period, during which Greek traders and mercenaries were particularly attracted to the region. A gravestone from Saqqara (near modern Cairo) neatly represents this phase: commissioned by a Carian mercenary for his wife, it depicts Osiris, Isis and the sacred Apis bull alongside a Carian inscription and a Greek-influenced scene of mourners standing around a bier. It also shows Carians cutting their foreheads during the funeral according to Carian tradition. Artefacts like these show that, despite having only recently left their homes in western Turkey, the Carians, like other foreign groups entering Egypt, quickly integrated into Egyptian society but did not completely abandon their traditions. 
    In the next section, Alexander the Great swiftly comes and goes, represented by a bust, a silver coin and an intriguing water clock. One of his chief generals, Ptolemy, left behind a more lasting legacy: as King Ptolemy I, he founded the Ptolemaic Dynasty. Gold coins of Ptolemy I, unearthed at Thonis-Heracleion, reflect the city’s daily grind, while two royal heads (one rather chubby) represent the new ruling dynasty’s interest in presenting themselves as pharaohs: each wears a traditional nemes-headcloth and a royal uraeus. Nearby, an elegant statue of a queen dressed as the goddess Isis strides forth in a traditional Egyptian pose, wearing a tight-fitting pleated dress, her hair arranged in Greek corkscrew locks. There is a similar unifying approach in the finely-carved statue of Queen Arsinoe II from Canopus, which is one of the exhibition’s true masterpieces. Here, the queen, wearing a transparent dress tied with an Isis-knot, is fused with Aphrodite, a Greek goddess often associated by the Egyptians with Isis. From this point onwards, the remainder of the exhibition is largely dedicated to religious life at Thonis-Heracleion. The shrine of Amun-Gereb, although not the most aesthetically impressive monument on display, was among those that held the most religious significance to the ancient Egyptians. Gold jewellery, including a ring displayed nearby that bears both Egyptian and Greek influences, was probably left as an offering at this shrine. Dominating this part of the exhibition, just as they once dominated the entrance to the temple of Amun-Gereb, are colossal statues of a Ptolemaic king and queen. 
    Afterwards, however, Osiris takes centre stage, with artefacts—many loaned from the Egyptian Museum in Cairo—illustrating his myth and importance. Highlights include finely-carved basalt statues of Osiris and Isis; a limestone statue of Isis kneeling, with a tiny effigy of Osiris across her knees; and, on a far grander scale, a diorite representation of Osiris lying on his funerary bed. It’s all very impressive—certainly among the most impressive sections of the show—but you may wonder if you’ve walked into a different exhibition by mistake. Where has all the underwater archaeology gone?
    The reason for this unexpected Osirian interlude is to prepare visitors for the next section, which is dedicated to the Mysteries of Osiris, an annual festival celebrated at every major Egyptian temple-city during the 1st Millennium BC. The excavation at Thonis-Heracleion revealed ritual equipment and offerings from this celebration, among them lead model boats and oil lamps. The excavation team also discovered a sunken barge, once used to transport two sacred images of Osiris during the festival. It remains on the seabed, but a full-size image adorns the exhibition floor. 
    The exhibition’s final section is dedicated to how Egyptian-Ptolemaic culture spread across the Roman world. One eye-catching artefact here is the offering of a foot made of marble. It once stood in the Temple of Ras el-Soda in Alexandria as an offering left by a man named Isidoros to Isis or Serapis. Isidoros had injured his leg in a chariot crash and dedicated the foot as thanks for his leg healing. Two sphinxes from Alexandria close the exhibition. They probably once lined the path leading to the Temple of Isis on the island of Antirhodos—part of the city’s royal quarter—so you can imagine yourself as Cleopatra or Mark Antony as you stroll past them (into the gift shop, rather than your palace). 
    With only a few exceptions, the (sometimes glowing) labels in Sunken Cities provide just the right amount of information to keep the narrative flowing. The inclusion on some panels of scenes from Egyptian temples and tombs, illustrating how certain objects were used—for example the Garden Tank—is a welcome addition, as are the dramatic images of some of the monuments in situ underwater. There’s also a good array of activities and panels for children: bright orange cases invite young visitors to listen to the sound of the sea while observing the objects, or to use a torch to highlight hieroglyphic symbols, or even to learn how to signal each other underwater. 
    The exhibition is also cleverly organised. A majestic piece catches your eye at every turn, so that as you ponder the smaller artefacts—ones that are less flashy, but provide a more relatable connection with the people of Thonis-Heracleion and Canopus—you know that there’ll be something monumental around the next corner. It all adds up to an immersive, educational and enjoyable experience. Like many blockbusters, however, the story does not completely hold together under scrutiny. The section on Osiris feels tacked on for the sake of showiness, and it isn’t clear why one third of the objects in this show about sunken cities come from non-submerged sites. Still, by the end of the show, you’ve seen your favourite ancient cultures unite, and enjoyed a combination of spectacular moments interspersed with quieter periods of emotional resonance. 
    But most importantly—and more seriously—Sunken Cities demonstrates how different cultures can come together to create something at once unique, familiar and new. In this way, the exhibition neatly complements the British Museum’s other current show, Sicily: Culture and Conquest. Although each deals with a different place and time, they both emphasise how people from different cultures can share a space and work together. In our increasingly troubled times, with the rise of intolerance and xenophobia worldwide, this is a powerful message. 

    Garry Shaw gained his doctorate in Egyptology from the University of Liverpool. He is the author of four books, including The Egyptian Myths: A Guide to the Ancient Gods and Legends (2014), and, as a part-time tutor, teaches an online course in Egyptology for the Oxford University Department for Continuing Education. He is currently writing a book on ancient Egypt’s interactions with the wider world

    Sunken Cities: Egypt’s Lost Worlds, British Museum, London, until 27 November 2016

    (theartnewspaper.com)

  • CRPME Report on Religious Pluralism in the Middle East | No.1

    CRPME Report on Religious Pluralism in the Middle East | No.1

    CRPMEExecutive Summary

    The report is addressing main features and challenges of religious pluralism in the Middle East in the last six months. The region covered is mostly the Middle East including the Arabian Peninsula. Sometimes it may also include countries of the Maghreb, when there are developments of particular interest. The report is focusing on the great challenges religious pluralism faces in the region but, at the same time, it is highlighting positive state and community initiatives that promote religious co-existence and pluralism. The documentation work leading to the report reflects the research already posted in the Centre’s website, which is being constantly updated with the developments regarding the religious communities in the region. It is, thus, neither exhaustive nor discursive in covering all the relevant events but it focuses on the events that could reveal certain issues, trends, continuities and discontinuities.

    There are three kind of challenges confronting religious communities in the region:

    1. In the ongoing Syrian civil war and the Iraqi political chaos, developments on the ground and the framing of the discourse, suggest an increasing militarization of sectarian identity, beyond the key contenders in the conflict.
    2. Changes in the constitutional and legal framework in various countries connected with the uprisings and or/with political and socio-economic changes and transitions in the referred countries.
    3. Issues arisen from the connection of the position of various religious communities with the political situation in their states, such as in Lebanon and Israel/Palestine.

    The sectarianisation of the larger and more powerful communities, representing both local actors and regional ‘interested parties’, has been an enduring trend in the Syria-Iraq conflict theatre for several years. Conflict’s duration and intensity has engraved distrust and existential rivalry deeper in each involved party’s view of an acceptable compromise. This ‘settled’ distrust renders future reconciliation a daunting prospect. Likewise, distrust and hatred fuel and ‘enforce’ population homogeneity, altering violently the human geography of the region. Pockets of mixed or ‘other’ sect population, either consisting of indigenous or displaced population, straddled or taking refuge in ‘enemy’ territory occupied by jihadists, are under constant threat. Although often overlooked, large communities in minority settings (such as Sunni pockets in Kurdish or Shia-held territory) have endured a great share of sectarianisation backlash, as well. In effect, displacement and sectarian state-building are ‘clearing’ areas of former pluralist coexistence, changing the ethno-religious composition of the region in the process.

    Sectarianisation and the drive for population homogeneity, have been exceptionally devastating for numerous communities of lesser political power and self-defence capacity. After millennia of presence in the region, religious communities, as old as Mesopotamia itself, are being pushed outside their centuries-long ancestral lands. These communities face the difficult choice between a probably one-way flight to distant places and a fake dilemma between seeking protection under dominant communities, or otherwise risk annihilation.

    In this context, a new alarming trend of militarization is developing, affecting religious pluralism both in Syria and Iraq, as well as the wider region. Even religious communities, that have traditionally placed themselves on the side-lines of major contentions in the region, increasingly acquire a military posture.

    Changes in the legal framework have been implemented or pledged concerning the protection of religious pluralism in Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, UAE and Turkey. There are, however, difficulties and delays in implementing them. The issue of proselytising remains problematic in all Middle Eastern countries. Christian, and particularly Evangelical Churches’ missions, are considered to have not only religious, but also political objectives. In countries like Iran, UAE and Egypt, the state maintains working/amicable relations with established Middle Eastern Churches, such as the Armenian or the Greek Orthodox Church, but there is considerable suspicion over the Evangelical missionary activity. There are still, however, communities that, although part of the region and of the indigenous societies, remain subject to discrimination; such as, the Bahai’s and the Sunni Muslims in Iran, the Alevis and the Christians in Turkey. It seems that, despite initiatives to change the legal framework regarding religious freedom in countries, such as Turkey, Egypt and Iran, the relations of religious minorities with the state is more a matter of perpetual negotiation, bargaining and co-opting policies rather than the outcome of an institutionalised framework.

    In Saudi Arabia, the Riyadh-based King Abdul Aziz Centre for National Dialogue (KACND) looks to bring Sunni and Shiites together, in order to promote mutual understanding, through contact and to counter hate speech. There are, however, steps to be taken towards more freedom and worship for non-Sunni Muslims and more rights for the Shiite minority in the country. Although GCC countries were not part (with the exemption of Bahrain) of the Arab revolts they are at the verge of considerable changes in their economy and society. Saudi Arabia is pledging to rapidly decrease her dependency on oil and this would inevitably lead to changes within her society, regarding gender issues and the religious freedom of millions of foreign workers and investors. The socio-economic partial or full integration of millions of foreign workers and investors that are becoming the vast majority of the population in many Gulf Monarchies is closely connected with religious tolerance and pluralism.

    In Iran the lifting of sanctions and the electoral victory of the reformists and moderates in the recent elections will strengthen civil liberties for religious minorities. There are today clear signs of a gradual progress in this domain, regarding poor religious freedom conditions for religious minorities, especially for Baha’is, Christian converts, and Sunni Muslims. But the domestic battle for power in Iran is far from being over. Socio-economic developments, the ascent of a powerful middle class, the opening of the economy and the role of foreign investment would certainly affect religious pluralism in this country.

    Interestingly in the case of Morocco’s religious pluralism pursued by the state seems to be directed to include not only the non-Sunnis and non-Muslim religious communities, but also the Salafi community, as they are a potential threat of extremism. In this sense, it may be argued that Morocco is approaching the notion of religious pluralism in a different way. While the notion of religious pluralism is assumed to imply opening the space of the public sphere for other non-dominate religious communities to participate, Morocco is opening space to neutralize extremist elements within its dominate Sunni community before it opens the space for the former.

    Regarding Israel/Palestine and Lebanon issues of religious pluralism and genuine socio-political and socio-economic equality for religious minorities remain hostages of the political stalemate. In Israel the significant shift in the political scene towards the Right and the continuation of the occupation reinforces the belief of a significant part of the political establishment and of the Jewish people in Israel in a messianic mission to reconquer Eretz Israel, which leads in practice to the attempted segregation of Muslims in Israeli society. This means that other faiths, such as Christianity, are not particularly targeted by state policies, though still are regarded as enemies of the faith, by radical religious groups and certain segments of the political establishment.

    The case of the Christians in Palestine is somewhat different than in other Muslim countries. While elsewhere, Christians are persecuted for their faith, in Palestine their plight does not derive so much from religious reasons, but from the same source all Palestinians, Muslims and Christians, suffer, i.e. the occupation of the Palestinian Territories by Israel. While the national struggle gives all Palestinians a sense of unity, the occupation leads to a vicious circle that can ultimately affect the Christians in the country as a community. The deterioration of living conditions leads to the radicalisation of the youth especially, giving fertile ground to extreme Islamist groups to grow. As there is no hope for the peace process between Israelis and Palestinians to recommence any time soon, it is very likely that conditions will continue to deteriorate, and the trend of escapism among Christians will continue to grow.

    Lebanon is facing multiple challenges, from the absence of President since 2014, the ongoing war in Syria that has brought fear of a spill over, the large influx of Syrian refugees – which are predominantly Sunni—, affecting the demographic balance of Lebanon between the Muslim and Christian communities, to the alliances of each party with external forces. This renders the Lebanese society and its religious pluralistic statue vulnerable.

    What has brought to question the durability of Lebanon’s legacy of religious pluralism and coexistence is the country’s dependency on foreign powers. The sectarian politics of foreign powers seem to inject sectarian tension in the Lebanese political arena, and probably to the society itself. Christians have been very wary of their position in the confessional system given that since 2014 the Presidential position is vacant. These concerns may be seen under a sectarian lens, especially due to fear of the all-decreasing numbers of Christians and of the extremist threats in and next to Lebanon.

    Such concerns have more of a political undertone rather than a religious one, but in a confessional system it may be argued that political maneuvers are swiftly interpreted as religious and sectarian tension. The tendency of sectarian codification does not occur only in the political arena but also in the social arena of Lebanon. Various social issues are portrayed with a sectarian undertone and with religious underpinnings that may mispresent the Lebanese mosaic of religions, as having many cracks.

    The report proposes three set of recommendations:

    The immediate set:

    1. Working towards the necessary all-inclusive regional consensus for establishing humanitarian corridors in both Syria and Iraq in order to shield and shelter endangered non-Muslim minorities.
    2. Christian communities should be encouraged to participate in on-going discussions on the future of Syria.
    3. The peace process in Syria should be inclusive and should preserve pluralism and the unity of the country.
    4. All necessary steps should be taken in order to ensure that the perpetrators of religious massacres would face International Justice and also that all those who have assisted them in any form would be also held accountable for their deeds.

    The set of recommendations concerning freedoms and rights of the religious communities:

    1. Governments of the region should be assisted in upholding the rights of religious communities
    2. Democracy is not enough; respect for human and religious rights should be enshrined either in the constitution or in a bill of rights. Equality before the law is essential and no church law should be beyond appeal to civil courts.
    3. OSCE experience in programs on monitoring and promoting religious tolerance and rights of religious minorities could be utilised through formats such as the OSCE’s Mediterranean Partnership.

    The set of recommendations concerning long-standing issues:

    1. Programs addressing extreme poverty and reducing women’s vulnerability should be encouraged
    2. Educational reforms that support interreligious understanding and mutual respect.
    3. Programs addressing the positive role of the media in promoting a culture of tolerance and mutual respect.
    4. Interreligious dialogue should be encouraged: all religious groups should cooperate in solving the problems of some of them.

     

    (www.crpme.gr)

  • Yousriya Loza-Sawiris Scholarship 2017 – 2018

    Yousriya Loza-Sawiris Scholarship 2017 – 2018

    Sawiris_Foundation_LogoThe Yousriya Loza-Sawiris Scholarship is a fully-funded program for students seeking to earn a Master’s Degree in Development Practice (MDP) from the Hubert H. Humphrey School of Public Affairs, University of Minnesota, USA.

    PROGRAM REQUIREMENTS 

    • Completion of a 50-credit academic master’s program in 2 academic years

    • Completion of a 8-10 week mid-program summer field experience

    • Employment in the development sector in Egypt following graduation for no less than 2 consecutive years

    HOW TO APPLY

    Interested candidates must submit two separate applications to the Sawiris Foundation and to the Humphrey School by their respective deadlines:
    1.    Scholarship application to be submitted to Newton Education Services,on behalf of SFSD. For information about how to apply for the scholarship program, please click HERE
    Deadline for submitting your complete scholarship package to Newton Education Services: October 22nd, 2016.

    2.    Academic application to be submitted to the Humphrey School. For information about the Humphrey application package please click HERE
    Deadline for submitting your completed application package to the Humphrey School: December 15th, 2016. 

    ELIGIBILITY CRITERIA 

    • Egyptian national

    • Hold a Bachelor’s degree or equivalent from a well-reputed academic institution in a related field of study

    • Satisfy the entry requirements into the academic MDP program

    • Demonstrate excellent professional and academic track record

    • Demonstrate strong interpersonal skills (extracurricular activities/community work/entrepreneurial initiative)

    • Demonstrate inability to finance studies from own resources

    • While no specific experience or academic track is required, students with a strong liberal arts education background and sound quantitative and analytical skills will be best prepared for academic success at the Humphrey School of Public Affairs

    • Previous coursework in mathematics, statistics, and economics is recommended

    • English language proficiency is required. Valid TOEFL or IELTS exam scores with a minimum of 600 (paper-based), 250 (computer-based), 100 (internet-based, minimum 22 on each section), or 7 for the IELTS

    • MDP accepted Graduate Record Examination score (GRE). No specific score is required, however, Fall 2015 admitted students tested within average GRE Verbal Percentile: 68th and average GRE Quantitative Reasoning Percentile: 54th