Author: Athanasios Koutoupas

  • Yiannis Boutaris: “Tolerance and Cooperation Among All Religions in Greece”

    Yiannis Boutaris: “Tolerance and Cooperation Among All Religions in Greece”

    ΓενικάInterview to Justine Frangouli-Argyris

    Yiannis Boutaris is the Mayor of Thessaloniki, the Mayor with the youthful look who sports an earring. He is the politician who dares go against the traditional grain and who continues to leave a positive footprint on his metropolis.

    A successful businessman, he has given new impetus to the city of Thessaloniki, especially by turning around its finances, albeit the deep economic crisis facing Greece. Now, he is being honored, in New York, with the “Damaskinos Award,” which he is accepting, on behalf of the City of Thessaloniki, for its protection of the Jews during the Second World War.

    Could you tell us a few words about the award you are going to receive in NY? 

    The “Damaskinos Award” which I’m going to accept from his Eminence Archbishop Demetrios, Geron of America, Primate of the Greek Orthodox Church in America during a great ceremony at the Hebrew Union College, is a great honor for me, for the Municipality and the city of Thessaloniki. It’s an award that goes to individuals who have promoted and defended tolerance and cooperation among all religions in Greece. I can only express my gratitude to the American Friends of the Jewish Museum in Greece for giving this great award to me and, hence, to Thessaloniki. This is indeed a great symbolic reward for our efforts, as a local authority, to open up the city, to establish tolerance and inclusiveness; and of course a reward for our efforts to highlight the Jewish heritage of Thessaloniki, that used to have the largest and most vivid Jewish community of Greece and Europe, and which was lost almost in its entirety in the Holocaust – a history so recent but also so muted until a few years ago when we started breaking this strange silence. 

    This trip to the US, though, is full of commemorations for the city of Thessaloniki. Beside NY, in Washington DC I will participate in the AJC Global Forum and I will sign symbolically the Declaration of the Mayors United Against Anti-Semitism before an audience of 2.500 people, representing the European efforts to combat anti-Semitism. I am obliged to the AJC for choosing me among hundreds of European Mayors in order to support this Campaign and combat the scourge of anti-Semitism. I hope I can deliver as much to this cause as expected.

    Given the harsh economic reality, how is it that you were able to turn around the city of Thessaloniki’s finances in such a short period of time?

    When we took office in 2011, the Municipality of Thessaloniki was shaken by a great economic scandal -inherited by the previous administration- of around 50 million Euros missing from the municipal treasury; this was followed by long judicial procedures implicating the previous Mayor. As a result, my predecessor and his closest colleague are still in jail. Bit, it was also the beginning of the severe economic crisis and the municipalities in Greece had undergone cuts of 40% that year and within three years this percentage skyrocketed to 60%-70% cut-down of state funding. 
    So, we put forward our basic principle of sound and transparent economics, cutting down on unnecessary spending by 30%, fictitious overtime payments by one third, and diversifying the Municipalities income sources, by applying for externally funded projects, either European or other, of around 70 million Euros in three years. We managed, thus, to cut down on municipal taxes by around 20% in three years, to pay back almost fully money we owed to the local market and to achieve surpluses in our budget from the first year of our tenure. 

    You have been called a “vision of hope” for Greece and are constantly shortlisted for “World Mayor of the Year.” What makes Yianni Boutari so successful?

    Well, not “constantly” shortlisted for “World Mayor of the Year”; I was nominated as Mayor of the month back in October 2012. I was also shortlisted for Mayor of the Year 2014 and I got voted 8th in the world, but thank you, anyway! It’s a bit awkward to talk about “what makes me so successful”. I guess it has to do with the fact that I’m not a typical politician; I come from the business world and the civil society, and I always try to solve problems in a practical way. It might also have to do with the effort I took up since 2011 to make Thessaloniki known as a touristic destination based on its multi-cultural history of 2.300 years, along with its Ottoman and Jewish past, talking in fact about openness, extroversion, inclusion and tolerance. But, mind this; all these distinctions are Thessaloniki’s distinction. 

    You have referred to the migrant crisis as a European problem, not a Greek one. Is there a solution?

    The migrant crisis is a serious problem indeed for the whole of Europe. Europe has to find its new balance, its new narrative on how to receive and integrate those new citizens, who are obviously going to stay for long in Europe. Unfortunately, Europe is not strong enough nowadays; it has problems in identifying a new economic model that will secure sustainable development for all its members; it has problems in securing an integrated political approach, it has never even touched upon the issue of strengthening democratic processes in the Union; and right now the far-right is rising in many European countries. So, things are not easy for Europe, because immigrants and refugees will keep coming, since the war in Syria does not seem to be ending soon – which is another issue that the EU has not touched upon. 

    In my opinion, the only solution to the problem is for Europe to start now, be it late but not too late, to built a mechanism of receiving and integrating these people. Otherwise, we will all end up with new kind of ghettos or favelas, full of marginalised and impoverished people who will soon start hating their new homes; this is a good recipe for fuelling fanaticism of any kind, this time within our own borders, within our own societies. We have to deal with it on a European level and we have to do it fast. 

    What is the current situation in Idomeni?

    The last week of May, Idomeni was evacuated by police forces during an organised operation that lasted a few days. People left the spot for other organised refugee camps in the rest of Greece without trouble. Most of the Idomeni refugees were led to Northern Greece and at the wider area of Thessaloniki. I have the feeling they will stay long. The Greek state must take action to accommodate and integrate them properly in local societies and in the economy. 

    We try to play our part in all this; we just concluded an agreement with the UNHCR along with other municipalities and partners from the civil society in the Thessaloniki wider area to run a program funded by the European Commission for accommodating temporarily asylum seekers and relocation seekers in rent apartments and foster families. And we already run another program funded by the Open Society Foundation for accommodating in hotel rooms the most vulnerable ones of the refugees.

    Europe has to play its own part; it has to put forward the relocation system agreed upon some time ago, which doesn’t seem to be really working right now; we should at least to a certain degree respect the will of the refugees themselves, the majority of which desperately look for a better future in Northern Europe.

    Despite all the hardships facing your country, tourism has remained surprisingly resilient, breaking record upon record. How do you see this year’s numbers stacking up?

    Well, it seems indeed that tourism in Greece was not hit by the refugee crisis, despite the xenophobic voices that kept scaremongering in the outbreak of this crisis. On the contrary, tourism professionals estimated that 2016 would be a record year for tourism in Greece. I guess we’ll see how things go. But I must say that tourism has to do with politics nowadays. Terrorist attacks, political instability and geopolitics have impact on tourist flows. Greece is a safe country; politics are just fine this period, everyday life is quiet and normal, despite the hardship that many families go through because of the economic crisis. Visitors have nothing to fear and they have a lot to enjoy in Greece; they should come and see. And of course we are expecting them to visit our city, Thessaloniki.

    What does Thessaloniki have to offer the visitor?

    Thessaloniki is a modern Greek city, a very easy-going city. 

    Apart from its 2.300 years of uninterrupted presence, that have left their signs in the cityscape but also in everyday life – one can see the Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine and Ottoman monuments and sights, among them 15 UNESCO International Heritage monuments, and can find the traces of the Jewish heritage of the city – composing its multi-cultural and cosmopolitan history, Thessaloniki is also a youthful and creative city, thanks to its four state universities and many private colleges where more than 120.000 young people study. It’s a cultural hub, too, with many international events, such as the International Film and Documentary Festivals and the Biennale of Modern Art, but also featuring many local cultural and creative groups composing a lively, dynamic and extrovert community, very fond of synergies. 

    Along with culture, innovation and entrepreneurship try to spring up, since many young people go after social, cultural, innovative and start-up entrepreneurship, I guess as an outcome of the economic crisis that has changed the white collar-public servant mentality of the past. 

    Of course, visitors should not miss the gastronomic treasures of Thessaloniki, a gastronomic destination filled with restaurants, taverns, bars and cafes, where one can taste great local cuisine – an amalgam of Ottoman, Mediterranean, European and Balkan elements – highlighted lately also by the New York Times, that included our city in the 52 destinations one has to visit in 2016 thanks to its reach gastronomic culture. 

    Thessaloniki is a port city, and the waterfront – recently redeveloped and many times awarded in international architectural competitions – is a must-visit site from which one can admire mount Olympus and gaze its gods. Last, but of course not least, starting out from Thessaloniki one can visit many landmarks of Greece, like mount Olympus, the Holy Monastic Community of Athos, Halkidiki’s wonderful beaches, Vergina the land of Alexander the Great, and even travel daily to neighbouring Balkan countries. 

    Well, one needs to come and see. People enjoy their stay in Thessaloniki, because it’s friendly, welcoming and of course interesting. We invite Americans to visit Thessaloniki, I’m sure they will enjoy it.

    How do you perceive the efforts of the Tsipras government?

    The Tsipras Government is one of good intentions, poor preparation and no experience – but they learn fast and, hopefully, in the future they will become much better. Of course, Greece’s problem is a multifaceted one; in order to solve it, the Government has to – and it seems it already does – move towards more pragmatic solutions. The EU, on the other hand, has to remember its roots and honour its values; it has to become a Union again, not just a gathering of finance and economics ministers taking decisions about financial and economic issues. Finally, international politics have to sideline hawkish views like the ones the IMF seems to fancy.

    What would you have done differently given the Prime Minister’s chair?

    You know, there are very narrow margins within which the Greek prime minister can manoeuvre right now in Greece due to the fierce crisis. But I would certainly not try to hide things from people. I would be sincere and realistic. 

    But I have to say, I’m not interested in central politics; I am a local politics guy, working for local authorities. My ambition is to make them more independent, strong and able to serve as proper local governments. I believe this is what I have to offer, be a good mayor. 

    The Hellenic wine industry has made tremendous progress with many wineries, including Kir-Yianni, regularly producing world class products. What has enabled this segment of the economy to become so prolific?

    The progress of the wine industry during recent years is truly impressive. Is it yet another Greek paradox, following the French paradox? There is an explanation on how an industry in today’s Greece manages to increase its exports and win over the new and old foreign markets in a fast growing pace. 

    A few years back, our common efforts led us to the idea of creating a National Strategic Marketing Plan for Greek Wine (launched as New Wines of Greece), in Greece and abroad. It is a large and ambitious project which was realised through collaboration, common perception, and a large amount of money that we agreed to spend together for this goal. Today, 6-7 years later, we’re still working all together true to our principles and goals, and even though the social, economic, and business environment is entirely different to when we first started, we are happy to witness positive results in the foreign markets. We are especially happy for this, as Greek wine finds its rightful place in the global markets, thanks to its typicity, its unique qualitative and organoleptic characteristics and the potentiality of the indigenous grape varieties.

    What do you hope to accomplish before the end of your current term?

    Many things are going on, and many things have to be pushed forward. One of the important projects we are going after during this term is the effort to attract funds from external sources in order to push through our strategic plan for a viable, sustainable, innovative and resilient city that can stand up to the demands of cities’ international competition and, mostly, that can lead the local community safely out of the economic crisis. 

    Of course it’s of the highest priority to boost and complete the initial effort to open up the city and put it on the global map as a tourist destination. This is where the Holocaust Museum and Educational Centre comes in; it is a big and important project. We strongly believe that this Museum and Educational Centre will recall the tragic fate and perpetuate the memory of the Thessaloniki Jews deported to concentration camps during WWII, but also that it will serve as a platform against racism, xenophobia and all forms of totalitarianism. In a few words, our goal is to continue our efforts to restore the city’s prominent role in SE Europe. The only way to achieve that is to transform Thessaloniki to the big port of the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean. That’s how it used to be, that’s how it used to thrive for the longest part of its history. 

    What does the future hold for Yianni Boutari?

    I strongly believe that Mayors should not have more than two terms, because power wears down its carriers but also corrupts them. In any case, there is still a lot of time until 2019 when this term ends. But for me life is sweet; you know, I’m in love with life, and I will never get bored or tired of living it. I still want to enjoy it at its best.

    (www.huffingtonpost.com)

  • CRPME Report on Religious Pluralism in the Middle East | No.1

    CRPME Report on Religious Pluralism in the Middle East | No.1

    CRPMEExecutive Summary

    The report is addressing main features and challenges of religious pluralism in the Middle East in the last six months. The region covered is mostly the Middle East including the Arabian Peninsula. Sometimes it may also include countries of the Maghreb, when there are developments of particular interest. The report is focusing on the great challenges religious pluralism faces in the region but, at the same time, it is highlighting positive state and community initiatives that promote religious co-existence and pluralism. The documentation work leading to the report reflects the research already posted in the Centre’s website, which is being constantly updated with the developments regarding the religious communities in the region. It is, thus, neither exhaustive nor discursive in covering all the relevant events but it focuses on the events that could reveal certain issues, trends, continuities and discontinuities.

    There are three kind of challenges confronting religious communities in the region:

    1. In the ongoing Syrian civil war and the Iraqi political chaos, developments on the ground and the framing of the discourse, suggest an increasing militarization of sectarian identity, beyond the key contenders in the conflict.
    2. Changes in the constitutional and legal framework in various countries connected with the uprisings and or/with political and socio-economic changes and transitions in the referred countries.
    3. Issues arisen from the connection of the position of various religious communities with the political situation in their states, such as in Lebanon and Israel/Palestine.

    The sectarianisation of the larger and more powerful communities, representing both local actors and regional ‘interested parties’, has been an enduring trend in the Syria-Iraq conflict theatre for several years. Conflict’s duration and intensity has engraved distrust and existential rivalry deeper in each involved party’s view of an acceptable compromise. This ‘settled’ distrust renders future reconciliation a daunting prospect. Likewise, distrust and hatred fuel and ‘enforce’ population homogeneity, altering violently the human geography of the region. Pockets of mixed or ‘other’ sect population, either consisting of indigenous or displaced population, straddled or taking refuge in ‘enemy’ territory occupied by jihadists, are under constant threat. Although often overlooked, large communities in minority settings (such as Sunni pockets in Kurdish or Shia-held territory) have endured a great share of sectarianisation backlash, as well. In effect, displacement and sectarian state-building are ‘clearing’ areas of former pluralist coexistence, changing the ethno-religious composition of the region in the process.

    Sectarianisation and the drive for population homogeneity, have been exceptionally devastating for numerous communities of lesser political power and self-defence capacity. After millennia of presence in the region, religious communities, as old as Mesopotamia itself, are being pushed outside their centuries-long ancestral lands. These communities face the difficult choice between a probably one-way flight to distant places and a fake dilemma between seeking protection under dominant communities, or otherwise risk annihilation.

    In this context, a new alarming trend of militarization is developing, affecting religious pluralism both in Syria and Iraq, as well as the wider region. Even religious communities, that have traditionally placed themselves on the side-lines of major contentions in the region, increasingly acquire a military posture.

    Changes in the legal framework have been implemented or pledged concerning the protection of religious pluralism in Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, UAE and Turkey. There are, however, difficulties and delays in implementing them. The issue of proselytising remains problematic in all Middle Eastern countries. Christian, and particularly Evangelical Churches’ missions, are considered to have not only religious, but also political objectives. In countries like Iran, UAE and Egypt, the state maintains working/amicable relations with established Middle Eastern Churches, such as the Armenian or the Greek Orthodox Church, but there is considerable suspicion over the Evangelical missionary activity. There are still, however, communities that, although part of the region and of the indigenous societies, remain subject to discrimination; such as, the Bahai’s and the Sunni Muslims in Iran, the Alevis and the Christians in Turkey. It seems that, despite initiatives to change the legal framework regarding religious freedom in countries, such as Turkey, Egypt and Iran, the relations of religious minorities with the state is more a matter of perpetual negotiation, bargaining and co-opting policies rather than the outcome of an institutionalised framework.

    In Saudi Arabia, the Riyadh-based King Abdul Aziz Centre for National Dialogue (KACND) looks to bring Sunni and Shiites together, in order to promote mutual understanding, through contact and to counter hate speech. There are, however, steps to be taken towards more freedom and worship for non-Sunni Muslims and more rights for the Shiite minority in the country. Although GCC countries were not part (with the exemption of Bahrain) of the Arab revolts they are at the verge of considerable changes in their economy and society. Saudi Arabia is pledging to rapidly decrease her dependency on oil and this would inevitably lead to changes within her society, regarding gender issues and the religious freedom of millions of foreign workers and investors. The socio-economic partial or full integration of millions of foreign workers and investors that are becoming the vast majority of the population in many Gulf Monarchies is closely connected with religious tolerance and pluralism.

    In Iran the lifting of sanctions and the electoral victory of the reformists and moderates in the recent elections will strengthen civil liberties for religious minorities. There are today clear signs of a gradual progress in this domain, regarding poor religious freedom conditions for religious minorities, especially for Baha’is, Christian converts, and Sunni Muslims. But the domestic battle for power in Iran is far from being over. Socio-economic developments, the ascent of a powerful middle class, the opening of the economy and the role of foreign investment would certainly affect religious pluralism in this country.

    Interestingly in the case of Morocco’s religious pluralism pursued by the state seems to be directed to include not only the non-Sunnis and non-Muslim religious communities, but also the Salafi community, as they are a potential threat of extremism. In this sense, it may be argued that Morocco is approaching the notion of religious pluralism in a different way. While the notion of religious pluralism is assumed to imply opening the space of the public sphere for other non-dominate religious communities to participate, Morocco is opening space to neutralize extremist elements within its dominate Sunni community before it opens the space for the former.

    Regarding Israel/Palestine and Lebanon issues of religious pluralism and genuine socio-political and socio-economic equality for religious minorities remain hostages of the political stalemate. In Israel the significant shift in the political scene towards the Right and the continuation of the occupation reinforces the belief of a significant part of the political establishment and of the Jewish people in Israel in a messianic mission to reconquer Eretz Israel, which leads in practice to the attempted segregation of Muslims in Israeli society. This means that other faiths, such as Christianity, are not particularly targeted by state policies, though still are regarded as enemies of the faith, by radical religious groups and certain segments of the political establishment.

    The case of the Christians in Palestine is somewhat different than in other Muslim countries. While elsewhere, Christians are persecuted for their faith, in Palestine their plight does not derive so much from religious reasons, but from the same source all Palestinians, Muslims and Christians, suffer, i.e. the occupation of the Palestinian Territories by Israel. While the national struggle gives all Palestinians a sense of unity, the occupation leads to a vicious circle that can ultimately affect the Christians in the country as a community. The deterioration of living conditions leads to the radicalisation of the youth especially, giving fertile ground to extreme Islamist groups to grow. As there is no hope for the peace process between Israelis and Palestinians to recommence any time soon, it is very likely that conditions will continue to deteriorate, and the trend of escapism among Christians will continue to grow.

    Lebanon is facing multiple challenges, from the absence of President since 2014, the ongoing war in Syria that has brought fear of a spill over, the large influx of Syrian refugees – which are predominantly Sunni—, affecting the demographic balance of Lebanon between the Muslim and Christian communities, to the alliances of each party with external forces. This renders the Lebanese society and its religious pluralistic statue vulnerable.

    What has brought to question the durability of Lebanon’s legacy of religious pluralism and coexistence is the country’s dependency on foreign powers. The sectarian politics of foreign powers seem to inject sectarian tension in the Lebanese political arena, and probably to the society itself. Christians have been very wary of their position in the confessional system given that since 2014 the Presidential position is vacant. These concerns may be seen under a sectarian lens, especially due to fear of the all-decreasing numbers of Christians and of the extremist threats in and next to Lebanon.

    Such concerns have more of a political undertone rather than a religious one, but in a confessional system it may be argued that political maneuvers are swiftly interpreted as religious and sectarian tension. The tendency of sectarian codification does not occur only in the political arena but also in the social arena of Lebanon. Various social issues are portrayed with a sectarian undertone and with religious underpinnings that may mispresent the Lebanese mosaic of religions, as having many cracks.

    The report proposes three set of recommendations:

    The immediate set:

    1. Working towards the necessary all-inclusive regional consensus for establishing humanitarian corridors in both Syria and Iraq in order to shield and shelter endangered non-Muslim minorities.
    2. Christian communities should be encouraged to participate in on-going discussions on the future of Syria.
    3. The peace process in Syria should be inclusive and should preserve pluralism and the unity of the country.
    4. All necessary steps should be taken in order to ensure that the perpetrators of religious massacres would face International Justice and also that all those who have assisted them in any form would be also held accountable for their deeds.

    The set of recommendations concerning freedoms and rights of the religious communities:

    1. Governments of the region should be assisted in upholding the rights of religious communities
    2. Democracy is not enough; respect for human and religious rights should be enshrined either in the constitution or in a bill of rights. Equality before the law is essential and no church law should be beyond appeal to civil courts.
    3. OSCE experience in programs on monitoring and promoting religious tolerance and rights of religious minorities could be utilised through formats such as the OSCE’s Mediterranean Partnership.

    The set of recommendations concerning long-standing issues:

    1. Programs addressing extreme poverty and reducing women’s vulnerability should be encouraged
    2. Educational reforms that support interreligious understanding and mutual respect.
    3. Programs addressing the positive role of the media in promoting a culture of tolerance and mutual respect.
    4. Interreligious dialogue should be encouraged: all religious groups should cooperate in solving the problems of some of them.

     

    (www.crpme.gr)

  • Yousriya Loza-Sawiris Scholarship 2017 – 2018

    Yousriya Loza-Sawiris Scholarship 2017 – 2018

    Sawiris_Foundation_LogoThe Yousriya Loza-Sawiris Scholarship is a fully-funded program for students seeking to earn a Master’s Degree in Development Practice (MDP) from the Hubert H. Humphrey School of Public Affairs, University of Minnesota, USA.

    PROGRAM REQUIREMENTS 

    • Completion of a 50-credit academic master’s program in 2 academic years

    • Completion of a 8-10 week mid-program summer field experience

    • Employment in the development sector in Egypt following graduation for no less than 2 consecutive years

    HOW TO APPLY

    Interested candidates must submit two separate applications to the Sawiris Foundation and to the Humphrey School by their respective deadlines:
    1.    Scholarship application to be submitted to Newton Education Services,on behalf of SFSD. For information about how to apply for the scholarship program, please click HERE
    Deadline for submitting your complete scholarship package to Newton Education Services: October 22nd, 2016.

    2.    Academic application to be submitted to the Humphrey School. For information about the Humphrey application package please click HERE
    Deadline for submitting your completed application package to the Humphrey School: December 15th, 2016. 

    ELIGIBILITY CRITERIA 

    • Egyptian national

    • Hold a Bachelor’s degree or equivalent from a well-reputed academic institution in a related field of study

    • Satisfy the entry requirements into the academic MDP program

    • Demonstrate excellent professional and academic track record

    • Demonstrate strong interpersonal skills (extracurricular activities/community work/entrepreneurial initiative)

    • Demonstrate inability to finance studies from own resources

    • While no specific experience or academic track is required, students with a strong liberal arts education background and sound quantitative and analytical skills will be best prepared for academic success at the Humphrey School of Public Affairs

    • Previous coursework in mathematics, statistics, and economics is recommended

    • English language proficiency is required. Valid TOEFL or IELTS exam scores with a minimum of 600 (paper-based), 250 (computer-based), 100 (internet-based, minimum 22 on each section), or 7 for the IELTS

    • MDP accepted Graduate Record Examination score (GRE). No specific score is required, however, Fall 2015 admitted students tested within average GRE Verbal Percentile: 68th and average GRE Quantitative Reasoning Percentile: 54th

  • The Bodossaki Foundation announces new Awards for Distinguished Young Scientists

    The Bodossaki Foundation announces new Awards for Distinguished Young Scientists

    ΜποδοσάκηThe Bodossaki Foundation announces the award of monetary prizes for the year 2017 to distinguished scholars of Greek decent, under the age of 45 years old. For more information please check the following link.

    www.bodossaki.gr